* Un nouveau parti "trans-partis" dans le 66 ? A l'heure où les citoyens sont écoeurés par les pratiques et les hypocrisies des politiciens ..? Après les discours de récupération lors de la manifestation du 10 septembre dernier, voici la récupération de l'exigence de reconnaissance de la personnalité catalane, par un parti !
Oui au "Oui au pays catalan", mais pas ainsi. Chaque clan va se positionner. Va se placer pour les municipales ou législatives à venir. Ainsi, le maire de Perpignan, qui se montre à la manif, puis le lendemain renonce au pays catalan, et a écrit à C.Delga pour que "pays catalan" ne soit pas accolé à "Occitanie"...Qui parle plus de "Perpignan la Méditerranéenne" (et je suis d'accord) que de "Perpi la Catalane", mais qui, depuis quelques semaines, change de cap...
Enfin il reçoit un Sarko déclarant que nos racines sont gauloises, alors qu'il aurait pu suggérer qu'elles sont diverses, ibères dans ce sud de France et ce nord de Hispanie... JPB
- - - Parole au OUI :
Communiqué de presse · Perpignan, 30 octobre 2016
INSCRIPTIONS AU CONGRES FONDATEUR DE « OUI AU PAYS CATALAN »
Le territoire des Pyrénees-Orientales est effacé par une région "Occitanie" qu’il n’a pas choisie. Son avenir, son économie et son identité méritent une force politique nouvelle, « Oui au Pays Catalan », fruit des mobilisations populaires de 2016 à Perpignan. Cette entité orientera le destin d’un territoire, dans le cadre de la République Française. Son congrès fondateur, ouvert à tous, se déroulera le samedi 15 octobre à 15h à l'Université de Perpignan.
Oui au Pays Catalan agira avec détermination pour qu’un Statut de Collectivité Territoriale Unique (CTU) soit attribué à notre entité géographique millénaire comprenant le Roussillon, le Conflent, le Vallespir, la Cerdagne, le Capcir et le Fenouillèdes : un projet territorial, moderne, déconnecté de l’Occitanie, issu de l’article 72 de la Constitution.
Ce rassemblement, novateur et politiquement transversal, s’appuiera sur un nom reconnu, comme le Pays Basque, et sur une identité dynamique, qui unit et fédère. Il reposera sur une communauté soudée et solidaire, aux origines diverses. Il saura compter sur un peuple fier, qui a droit au respect et à la parole, pour un avenir positif.
Inscription fortement recommandée :
> Tels. 06 75 74 25 49 - 04 68 35 34 54
> Permanence de Oui au Pays catalan, 9, rue Camille Desmoulins, 66000 Perpignan (quartier Clemenceau / Leclerc).
Contact presse : 06 75 74 25 49.
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**La cause catalane aux USA :
Envoy seeks support for independence during US visit.
(By BENJAMIN ORESKES)
Foto: A pro-independence demonstration in Barcelona during the Catalan National Day, 'Diada' | Josep Lago/AFP via Getty Images
By BENJAMIN ORESKES
Raül Romeva, the unofficial foreign minister of Catalonia, was hoping the United Kingdom would opt to stay in the European Union when Britons went to the polls more than two months ago.
But at least the Brits got a vote. That, in effect, is what Romeva’s party wants from the government of Spain: an official referendum, by 2017, in which citizens of the autonomous region can decide their fate, and whether they should leave Spain to form an independent country.
And that was Romeva’s message as the 45-year-old former member of the European Parliament took a whirlwind three-day tour of Washington and New York this week, meeting with local Catalan communities, as well as members of the U.S. government.
“The fact that people [in the U.K.] asked to express themselves is positive,” Romeva said in an interview with POLITICO in Washington.
Loathe to let the economically critical state secede, Spain says no way. But with Brexit and broader questions about the EU’s future as a backdrop, Romeva maintains that the Catalan case has never been stronger. He cites recent pro-independence demonstrations and the inability of Spain, the EU’s fourth-largest economy, to gets its political house in order and form a ruling coalition, which could lead to a the third election in a year this December.
“The message that’s important for Europeans is that in the 21st century, complex situations need to be tackled via democracy and via negotiations, and that’s actually the exact same thing we’re asking in Catalonia, and what we offer,” he said.
Romeva declined to say specifically whom he was meeting with in Washington and New York. After all, the meetings are informal, given that Spain is a strong U.S. ally, Romeva is not an actual foreign minister, and nobody wants to upset the sensitive protocols of international diplomacy.
It’s a dynamic that underscores the oddness of his role: He’s the international face — albeit one who wears sleek rimless glasses with lime green accents — of a people, but not a country.
Catalonia is far from a top-tier — or even middle-tier — issue in Washington, though it is on the radar of a few lawmakers, like California Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher. The issue came up at a March hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Romeva wants Catalonia’s profile to rise. He notes that in 2012, the Catalan regional government had just 24 pro-independence MPs. But after his coalition swept to power last year in a high turnout Catalan election, there are now 72. While independence advocates fell short of an outright majority in the popular vote, secessionist parties, including the center-right Partit Demòcrata Català; the center-left Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya; and an anti-establishment party, half-communist and half-anarchist, called Candidatura d’Unitat Popular, won the majority of seats in parliament.
The parties came together behind a new president, Carles Puigdemont, who promised a referendum even if the government in Madrid didn’t approve.
Some in Catalonia, which is one of the richest regions of Spain, have grown frustrated with a centralized tax system in which Madrid redistributes their revenues throughout Spain’s poorer provinces, he said. And Romeva says that they’re sick of waiting around and sees no other option but to hold a referendum even without central government approval.
Hundreds of thousands of people flooded the streets of Barcelona last Sunday carrying the nation’s iconic red and yellow striped flag and celebrating Catalan National Day, or Diada. Romeva argues that the desire for a referendum — and the stonewalling from the Spanish government — is like water building up at a damn.
“If the river is powerful enough, it will overcome the damn or even break it,” he said.
But the Catalan movement still faces enormous hurdles. Spain’s prime minister won’t entertain the topic, and even in Catalonia the question of leaving isn’t totally settled. A July 2016 poll from Spanish newspaper El Pais found that about 48 percent of Catalans support independence.
Last year, Spain’s highest court invalidated the results of a 2014 Catalan symbolic referendum where 80 percent of the province voted to leave. Turnout was low in that contest.
Given its political and economic importance to Spain, a Catalan exit would have profound implications for Spain and the European Union writ large. If the region’s 7.5 million citizens decided to leave, they’d be taking 20 percent of the country’s GDP and 25 percent of the Spain’s exports with them.
Part of Romeva’s job is to assuage those concerns — in foreign capitals, at least. And he insists a sovereign Catalonia would be its former overlord’s closest ally and trading partner.
Romeva says that prospects for some sort of compromise short of secession are less likely than they once were. The political logjam in Spain bolsters the Catalan argument too, Romeva says.
“We’ve been almost a year without a government, and that’s something that’s an anomaly even in Europe,” he adds.
But if the Catalans did vote to leave Spain, an problem would immediately arise: the status of a new state in the European Union.
Romeva has said he supports a “Scottish-type scenario, where we could negotiate with the state and hold a coordinated and democratic referendum” on independence. But shortly after the Brexit referendum vote in June, EU officials told Scottish leader Nicola Sturgeon, that the only way for Scotland to join the EU was to become independent and then begin accession talks, according to media reports at the time. That, everyone knows, could take years.
Not surprisingly, Spain — as well as Belgium, with its Flemish independence movement — vehemently opposes any special dispensation to let the Scots stay in the European Union, lest they encourage the Catalans.
Romeva, says he understands the hurdles. But he also thinks that if Catalonia voted for independence, the rest of the EU would be pragmatic.
“I’m not saying [EU accession] is guaranteed. I’m just saying it’s possible. It’s in the interest of all the actors that this will happen,” he said.
“We’ve seen with Greece all the efforts to keep the Greeks in, and with the British, look at all the efforts there were to keep them in. I think it’s a good thing to keep … people in — not to expel them.”
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